Saturday 28 May 2011

2011, The Year of The Great Islamic Uprising

Many believe it started with Barack Obama’s popularity with the young people, was fuelled by the Iranian revolution and finally erupted during the world’s economic crisis and the austerity measures that followed.

The young people of the world heard the rallying cry when the youth of America voted in the first African American President. They watched as it all unfolded on television with the internet and social media playing a major part in Obama’s success.

During the Iranian Revolution the use of internet and social media again came into play with the street protests being organized across the social media sites, but the Iranian regime’s brutality managed to suppress their will to continue.
 
With the economic downturn in the world, the need to reduce financial deficits and the austerity measures that were imposed upon the people of many countries, times had become hard.

And in the Middle East region the people of these countries did not want to lose the growth they had seen in recent years. They had suffered the plight of being under the control of dictator regimes for too long.

Now was the time for the people of the region to raise their voices and for them to rise up and make a stand for their freedom and democracy.

It started in Tunisia with organized protests and the use of people power to oust the incumbent President and make him flee the country.
 
The people of Egypt watched closely on television the events in Tunisia unfold and were inspired by the rallying cry of the youth on the internet and social media stating that the barrier of fear had been broken.
 
Now it was their turn to make their voices heard and many hundreds of thousands of people filled Tahrir Square in Cairo and key places across the country, even during the regime imposed curfew hours, demanding the resignation of President Mubarak and freedom for Egypt.

Soon the cry of revolt was to spread across the whole region with the people realizing that the freedom to protest and the liberty that it would bring was now within their grasp.

Street protests calling for the overthrow of the dictator regimes was now gathering pace and the people of the world, including President Obama and other world leaders would bear witness to the great Islamic uprising across the countries of the Middle East.

Algeria
 
Yemen
 
Lebanon
 
The dictators were being ousted from their self appointed positions of power with the people demanding new governments that would bring them liberty and democracy.

Syria
 
Jordan
 
Morocco
 
It will go down in history that 2011 was indeed the year of the great Islamic uprising which promoted the cause of the Muslim Brotherhood.


 read more; http://newsflavor.com/world/middle-east/2011-the-year-of-the-great-islamic-uprising/

Iranian people's uprising is doomed to fail


At first sight, what is happening in Tehran looks much like the extraordinary events of the Islamic Revolution 30 years ago.
But how deep do the similarities go? On December 2, 1978, two million Iranians filled the streets of central Tehran to demand an end to the rule of the Shah and the return of Ayatollah Khomeini.
It was the most popular revolution in history. At night, people gathered on rooftops to chant "Allahu Akbar -- God is Great". In the day, mass rallies commemorated as martyrs the protesters killed by the security forces.
The methods of protest are very similar. This is not surprising because the demonstrators seeking to get rid of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad hope the type of unarmed mass protest that worked against the Shah will succeed again.
Mass rally and public martyrdom are part of the Iranian revolutionary tradition, just as the barricade is part of the tradition in France. A difference between 1978-9 and today is that the Iranian government has no intention of letting history repeat itself.
Nor is it likely to do so. The Iranian revolution was carried out by a broad coalition from right to left which had religious conservatives at one end and Marxists at the other.
Danger
The Shah's regime had a unique ability to alienate simultaneously different parts of the population which had nothing in common. His cruel but poorly informed Savak security men convinced themselves that communists and revolutionary leftists were the danger to the throne, not the Shia clergy.
They were not alone in their delusion. President Jimmy Carter recalls an August 1978 CIA memo, drafted five months before the Shah took flight, firmly concluding that Iran "is not in a revolutionary or even a pre-revolutionary situation".
Crucially, the Iranian revolution had a messianic leader in Ayatollah Khomeini who was a visible alternative to the Shah, a leader whose claims to legitimacy were compromised even before he came to the throne: his father Reza Shah, an army general who seized power in the 1920s, was deposed by British and Soviet troops in 1941. His son was forced to flee in 1953 when Mohammed Mossadeq was elected prime minister, only to be restored by a CIA-run coup for which President Barack Obama has apologised.
More astute rulers might have tried to burnish their nationalist credentials but instead the Shah indulged in historical fantasies such as abolishing the Islamic calendar and celebrating the 2,500th anniversary of the founding of the Persian Empire at Persepolis in 1971. Foreign dignitaries and celebrities sipped drinks behind security cordons while Iranians were excluded.
Inspiration
What makes the Iranian revolution different from previous revolutions in the 19th and 20th Centuries is that it was a religious revolution in terms of its leadership and inspiration. Thirty years later, when "Islamic revolution" is seen as such a menace in the West, it is difficult to recall what a surprising development it was in the late 1970s. Revolutions were supposed to follow in the footsteps of the French, Russian or Chinese revolutions. Their tone was secular and anti-religious. Priests were the defenders of the established order.
There had been Islamic anti-colonial movements against the European empires and later against the nationalist regimes which succeeded them. But the record of these Islamic parties was one of failure. It was the Iranian revolution that made political Islam such a potent and, to its enemies, menacing force.
The Iranian revolution succeeded partly because it caught its enemies, as well as most of its supporters, by surprise. But it was not a spontaneous event. Khomeini and the clergy who supported him were committed revolutionaries. They had thought out how to take power and how to keep it. They might decry nationalism, but it was their commitment to defending the Iranian nation from foreign encroachments which was so crucial to their success.
Refuge
In 1964, Khomeini was expelled from Iran, to take refuge in Najaf, because of his opposition to extra-territorial rights for US government employees. The present Iranian leadership does not have the great weakness of the Shah, which was to be seen as the puppet of foreign powers.
By the time the Shah left Iran on January 16, 1979, he had almost no support. This again is very different from the present situation. President Ahmadinejad was re-elected with 62.6pc of the vote last week. His opponents claim the poll was rigged, although this is almost exactly the same as his vote in 2005, when he won 61.7pc. The point is that Mr Ahmadinejad is a popular politician and the Shah was not. He is very unlikely to be forced from power. Nor is he likely to surrender as the Shah did.
The weakness of the Shah was not evident when the first demonstrations began in October 1977, after the death of Khomeini's son. The first demonstrators, religious students, were killed in early 1978 after an article in a government newspaper attacked Khomeini. Their deaths were commemorated 40 days later, according to Shia religious custom, and protests spread.
These demonstrations in some ways resembled civil rights marches in the US but they had greater impact because they were wedded to religious ritual and the commemoration of martyrdom. Politically, this was a potent blend. It appealed to the most conservative cleric and the most radical student alike. Even so, the marches and demonstrations might have run out of steam over the summer of 1978 if they had not been sustained by a network of clerical supporters of Khomeini in the mosques.
Fear
The Shah, who appeared demoralised from an early stage in the crisis, used enough repression to make his regime detested but not enough to create lasting fear. His concessions conveyed confusion and weakness. Martial law was declared. On September 8, so-called Black Friday, soldiers opened fire on protesters and were accused of killing thousands (though the real figure may have been much lower). The Shah had lost his last chance of staying in power.
He made one further unforced error which had disastrous consequences for himself. Khomeini had been in exile in Najaf, Iraq, from which he could communicate with Iran but with some difficulty. But with self-destructive zeal, the Shah's emissaries persuaded the Iraqi government, in which Saddam Hussein was already the strongest figure, to expel Khomeini, who, after being refused entry to Kuwait, took up residence in Paris in October.
Press
In Paris, he had better access to the international press than the Shah and was able to communicate easily with Iran.
By the end of 1978, Iranians, even those opposed to the revolution, could see the Shah was finished. His core military support began to waver. The clergy made every effort to infiltrate and propagandise his armed forces. In any case, he did not want to fight. By mid-January, he and his wife had left Iran forever.
takeover
On February 1, 1979, Khomeini returned to be greeted by several million Iranians and swiftly completed the takeover. He marginalised his secular allies and began to radicalise the revolution, culminating in November 1979 when clerical students took over the US embassy.
The leaders of the new regime were intent on staying in power. They have not changed much today.
The spectacle, the symbols, and the language in Iran in 2009 are similar to those present in 1978-9, but the political forces at work could not be more different. The protesters then were much stronger than they looked; those of today have the odds stacked against them.

Uprising in Iran and Arab countries


The Iranian people have been in the streets for decades. The big moments are crystallized in media memory – 1979, 1999, 2009, and now. There are people in the streets in Iran this week, as they were last week. They do not want an Islamic Republic of Iran. They want Iran.
In 2009, it was declared all across the international media that these people – young, old, men, women – are part of an organized movement called the Green Movement. “Iran’s Green Revolution” flashed across cable news networks and front pages worldwide.
Immediately, in the moments, then days, weeks, and now years of the discontent surrounding the election dispute, this green thing – the scarves, the flags, the color, the word – suddenly appeared in the protests and from the mouths of Mir Hossein Mousavi, Mehdi Karroubi and other figures who ultimately did not secure a win in the presidential election against Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
And then the phrase “where is my vote?” appeared. In English. On placards and posters, and t-shirts, and buttons.
You haven’t seen any of this behavior in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Bahrain, Yemen – anywhere where similar anti-government protests have taken place in the last month. It is not how people protest – they don’t get together and name their revolution, then color it, and choose a catchphrase for it, then pour into the streets to let everyone know.
It didn’t happen in Iran either.
The millions – and there were millions – who were in the streets in 2009 could care less about the Green Movement – in 2009 or today. They want rid of the Islamic regime – whether it is Ahmadinejad and Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, or the old guard of Mousavi, Karroubi and the “Greens” who were and still are, so powerful in the Islamic establishment.
The Green leadership is a morally-compromised faction of the establishment – as any other element of the establishment – that wants power in an Islamic Republic of Iran, but cannot seem to get it or regain it because old friends have become new enemies in the regime.
As their individual histories and powerful political records have clearly reflected, they are not secular, they are not democratic, and they do not care about the inherent rights of the Iranian people, let alone see them as a priority.
For most Iranians, the Green Movement is what the international media is calling the massive mobilization to dismantle the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Even outside of Iran, if you attend rallies claiming to be of the Green Movement, many of them are actually rallies against the Islamic regime. Some of the speakers openly address the fact that the Iranians do not want more figures from that regime, they do not want the Green Movement’s leaders, they want the whole regime to be replaced with a government that is elected by the people.
And yet, the irony is that while so many Iranians say this, they know, and so does the US State Department and the UK Foreign Office and the other governments who support the Green leaders, that the Iranian people are so miserable, so trapped in a nation overtaken by Islamists and their massively powerful military and security complex, that they will accept the Greens.
Iranians will accept them – there is no other option anymore. The hope is that change – any change – will finally open the door to serious reform. In a poverty so deep as that which the Iranian soul has experienced in the last 32 years, hope is the only chance for survival.
But Iranians are not nearly as politically and internationally naïve as they were in 1979 and 1999. After the current Green Leader, former President Mohammad Khatami, crushed the student protests of 1999, refusing to support the students, many of whom died or suffered in the violent prisons of the Islamic Republic, everyone in Iran realized that the Islamic Republic’s establishment – a boy’s club of unshorn Islamists, many of whom are actually clerics – has not produced individuals who care about changing Iran into a government that represents the people.
In the last 32 years, any individual who displayed any loyalty to the people of Iran above the Islamic Republic has been eliminated. Anyone who could have been a sincere leader of the people – a person who valued inherent rights, a person whose religion did not supersede the people’s needs – that person was not allowed to live. So there remains no one powerful but those from the regime. The Green Leaders know this very well.
But what they don’t know – and the reason they shuffled into the background when they didn’t get the power they wanted – is that in this Internet age, in this age when Iranians are some of the most educated and knowledgeable people in the world, they do not need a leader to change their country. They are doing it themselves in the streets.
Listen to them this year as compared with 2009 – they are no longer merely denouncing Ahmadinejad – they are denouncing the system itself.
They have been shouting “down with the system”, “down with the velayat-e faqih”. Iranians have for millennia been of different tribes, religions and ethnicities but they have always survived as a nation. They do not want this ‘velayat-e faqih’ system – rulership of the supreme Islamic cleric, to put it simply – which is the foundation of power of the Islamic Republic establishment and the Green Leaders.
So as you watch the new protests – these demonstrations that were inspired by recent Arab revolts which were in turn inspired by Iran’s earlier demonstrations – remember this: the Iranian people do not want the Islamic Republic, whatever shade it comes in.
They want a government of the people, for the people, and by the people. When the Green Leaders win the power they have sought for years – and they will eventually win – they will not be off the hook, because the people want real change, not another game of musical chairs.

by Shirin S





Iranian People’s Uprising

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